ERA - The Mass Extended
Download - https://urluso.com/2tkO7x
In August 2017, the USS Bataan received a mass casualty incident (MCI) of 6 foreign special forces operators after a helicopter crash. All 6 patients were medically evacuated successfully to the USS Bataan, and all patients survived and were successfully returned to their allied country. Four of the patients received whole blood with 2 receiving over 10 units of blood or massive transfusions. One patient required 44 units of blood, and at 1 point in his resuscitation, he received 12 units of whole blood every 30 minutes. Due to administrative factors outside of the ship's control, these 6 patients had prolonged stabilization during the MCI. This factor differentiates this MCI on the USS Bataan from previous cases. Internal medicine trained physicians with their expertise in inpatient care, postsurgical management, and critical care were instrumental in sustaining these casualties in this prolonged stabilization environment. In the era of distributed maritime operations, where casualty-receiving ships will experience more geographic and resource isolation, there is a potential for the need for prolonged stabilization above the 6 to 12-hour window typical of role II platforms. The known increase in cardiac and pulmonary morbidity and mortality with medical evacuation delay highlights the importance of internal medicine physicians in the role II setting. It is critical that we emphasize the inpatient and critical care principles of these patients in the prolonged field care environment.
The consequences of mass incarceration then may extend far beyond the costs to the individual bodies behind bars, and to the families that are disrupted or the communities whose residents cycle in and out. The criminal justice system may itself legitimate and reinforce deeply embedded racial stereotypes, contributing to the persistent chasm in this society between black and white.
In an attempt to resolve the substantive and methodological questions surrounding the consequences of incarceration, this book provides both an experimental and an observational approach to studying the barriers to employment for individuals with criminal records. The first stage observes the experiences of black and white job seekers with criminal records in comparison to equally qualified nonoffenders. In the second stage, I turn to the perspectives of employers in order to better understand the concerns that underlie their hiring decisions. Overall, this study represents an accounting of trends that have gone largely unnoticed or underappreciated by academics, policy makers, and the general public. After thirty years of prison expansion, only recently has broad attention turned to the problems of prisoner reentry in an era of mass incarceration. By studying the ways in which the mark of a criminal record shapes and constrains subsequent employment opportunities, this book sheds light on a powerful, emergent mechanism of labor market stratification. Further, this analysis recognizes that an investigation of incarceration in the contemporary United States would be inadequate without careful attention to the dynamics of race. As described earlier, there is a strong link between race and crime, both real and perceived, and yet the implications of this relationship remain poorly understood. This study takes a hard look at the labor market experiences of young black men, both with and without criminal pasts. In doing so, we gain a close-up view of the powerful role race continues to play in shaping the labor market opportunities available to young men. The United States remains sharply divided along color lines. Understanding the mechanisms that perpetuate these divisions represents a crucial step toward their resolution.
Recognizing the importance of state-specific data for policymakers and advocates, the report offers more than a hundred graphs that make possible state comparisons of jail trends. The report uncovers unique state problems that drive mass incarceration:
This is FRESH AIR. I'm Terry Gross. My guest James Forman Jr. has written a new book called \"Locking Up Our Own: Crime And Punishment In Black America\". It's about the era of mass incarceration and tells a part of the story that is rarely focused on - the role of African-American political and community leaders in advocating tough-on-crime measures as ways to stop drugs and guns from destroying black communities. Many of those leaders, he says, didn't appreciate the impact of the choices they were making.
GROSS: You know, since the larger question in your book is asking us about how so many leaders of the African-American community came out for tougher measures against crime helping to lead this era of mass incarceration, you're also arguing against the claim that so many African-Americans focus on police crimes against black people, but they don't focus on black-on-black crime. You're trying to dispel that idea.
GROSS: You point out in your book that 95 percent of American prisoners are in state, county and local jails. Around 85 percent of law enforcement officers are state and local, not federal. Most crime policy is set by state and local officials. So you say, you know, mass incarceration is going to have to be dismantled piecemeal and locally like the way it was constructed. But nevertheless, I want to know what you think of the direction the Trump administration is heading in, in terms of law enforcement.
GROSS: This is FRESH AIR. I'm Terry Gross, back with James Forman Jr., author of the new book \"Locking Up Our Own: Crime And Punishment In Black America.\" It's about the role of black political and community leaders and advocating policies intended to protect black communities from drug and crime epidemics which helped lead to the era of mass incarceration. Forman spent six years as a public defender in Washington, D.C., and is now a professor of law at Yale Law School.
We investigate how technology has influenced the size of armies. During the nineteenth century, the development of the railroad made it possible to field and support mass armies, significantly increasing the observed size of military forces. During the late twentieth century, further advances in technology made it possible to deliver explosive force from a distance and with precision, making mass armies less desirable. We find support for our technological account using a new data set covering thirteen great powers between 1600 and 2000. We find little evidence that the French Revolution was a watershed in terms of levels of mobilization.
For thousands of years humans have attempted to treat the infections that were ubiquitous in their communities. With the advent of improved sanitation and advances in medicine, parasitic infections rarely impact on human life in the developed world. This contrasts with the developing world where to be infected is still normal in many communities. In sub-Saharan Africa at least 500 million people are affected by Neglected Tropical Diseases (NTDs). The current control strategy in sub-Saharan Africa involves large multi-million dollar programmes of mass drug administration, in which whole populations are treated regardless of whom is infected. Such widespread, prolonged use of chemotherapy comes with its own problems. What is the best long-term answer for humanity to address such a huge burden of disease Do we attempt to treat these parasites through the same means as we did in the developed world, or are there other, better ways
If mass drug administration programmes succeed in breaking cycles of transmission they can be effective in controlling and perhaps even eradicating diseases. Even if eradication is not possible it may still be effective at reducing the burden of disease for future generations. However, Read argued that anthelminthic drugs will eventually fail due to resistance evolving, pointing to previous failures of antibiotics, antimalarial drugs and pesticides. The World Health Organization current policy is that drugs will eventually fail. Read urged us not to think of drugs as magic bullets but instead to realise that they are stop-gap measures.
If each and every human life is of equal value we should all have access to treatment. If a life in the future and a life in the present are of equal value then we need to act in a way that treats people now as well as being responsible to people in the future. If withdrawing treatment from people alive now actually benefitted more lives in the future should we do it The reality is that we are not able to predict the future. Can we justify stopping mass drug administration on the basis of unquantifiable risk How can we change mass drug administration to minimise that risk
On the machine front: the early 20th century saw the advent of high-speed, highly controllable, electrically powered manufacturing machines yielding not only mass production but also far greater control. And, of course, there were the new machines of transportation (automobiles and aircraft) and of power production.
At a higher level of abstraction, we can see that Amazon was made possible by the confluence of three classes of technologies Jeff Bezos did not invent: the Internet, the smartphone, and the datacenter. The same pattern enabled the great retail empire built by Richard Sears and Alvah Roebuck who, in 1893, created the catalogue-centric shopping empire that launched an entirely new means of commerce that would come to sell and distribute nearly every imaginable product from clothes and books to prefab homes. Sears and Roebuck capitalized on three revolutions: railroads that enabled low-cost distribution of goods; centralized cost-effective manufacturing that provide low-cost (instead of craft-made) products; and the then-new mass production of pulp paper enabling massive volumes of catalogs to be produced and distributed at low cost.
After 9/11, Congress rushed to pass the Patriot Act, ushering in a new era of mass surveillance. Over the next decade, the surveillance state expanded dramatically, often in secret. The Bush administration conducted warrantless mass surveillance programs in violation of the Constitution and our laws, and the Obama administration allowed many of these spying programs to continue and grow. 59ce067264